![]() ![]() In this scenario, fair elections were vital for the recovery of citizen confidence in democracy.Įight candidates presented themselves to run for the Presidency. The parties had faced smear campaigns and public opinion was very sensitive to corruption scandals led by intelligence advisor Vladimiro Montesinos, the strong man of Fujimori’s regime (Vargas Leon, 2005, p. These elections took place after the fall of the authoritarian regime of Alberto Fujimori in the 1990s, following the transitional government ot the formers Congress President Valentin Paniagua, who assumed government after Fujimori’s renouncement. The Peruvian paradox in the twenty-first century has been a fast economic growth, but with a much slower institutional development.The middle classes and the social support of democracy have expanded significantly, but have not found an ad hoc political representation. From 2000-10, Peru returned to democracy, and economic growth accelerated. Since then, the country has maintained sound economic policies and has achieved stability and growth. He inaugurated a decade of economic liberalism, political authoritarianism, and widespread corruption. The outcome was the triumph of a political outsider, Alberto Fujimori, in 1990. In the 1980s, Peru experienced terrorism and hyperinflation.The party system faced a crisis of representation and legitimacy in a decade marked by the Shining Path terrorist guerrilla, hyperinflation and recession. However, the poorest 10% receive only 1.7% of national income, while the richest appropriate 32.3% of it (World Bank.WDI online). Per capita income amounts to US $6,530 (market exchange rate). With 32 million inhabitants and covering over one million square kilometers, Peru is a middle- income country, located on the central Pacific coast of South America. The sixth section undertakes a cross-sectional analysis of the debates in accordance with the following dimensions: origin and sequence, format, central issues and relationship with the political juncture, financing, dissemination, role of the media and 1CT, effects on the intention to vote and the electoral results, contributions to the culture and the political process. The second starts with a description of the political situation in the year 2000, which led to the restoration of democracy and the resumption of presidential debates.Then, this same section, and the following three, examine the debates in each ot the four general elections that Peru has experienced (2001,2006,2011, and 2016) each studying the links of the debates with their respective political context. Our analysis contains six sections.The first briefly describes the economic, social and political structure of Peru to place the reader in the context ot an emerging middle-income country, with large inequalities and social gaps. Indeed, Peru experienced a great economic boom in recent decades, with a notable expansion of the middle classes, but its institutional and political system lagged behind.Thus, the country’s party system has come to a crisis of representation and legitimacy which, interacting with other factors, hinders transparency in political and electoral debates. This deficit is part of a larger insufficiency in the political system as a whole. Our starting hypothesis was that, although the institutionalisation ot presidential debates has been developing gradually, such development has been slow and rugged, in such a way that, currently, Peru faces a deficit of institutional development in its model of presidential debates. This chapter examines presidential electoral debates in Peru, from the restoration of democracy in the year 2000, after a decade of authoritarianism and corruption during Fujimori’s government, until the last 2016 general election.The objective is to describe the debates and electoral processes in each of the last four general elections, to assess its institutional development in the context of the Peruvian evolution. Javier Portocarrero Maisch and Luciana Grillo Ramos ![]()
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